New details show the extent of the Republican Party’s efforts to get rid of Trump’s loss 2022-04-27 04:15:00

[ad_1]

Documents and transcripts emerging from the January 6, 2021 House investigation provide new details about the extent to which House Republicans, particularly members of the Freedom Caucus, are involved in plans to cancel the 2020 election — even as White House lawyers warned them. Their proposals could be illegal.

Content – Issued in the Judiciary Committee’s Battle against Mark Meadows and in a set of texts to the former Chief of Staff CNN got it –Identifies a long list of Republicans involved in talks with the White House about planning for January 6 rallies and efforts to oppose the ratification of votes that day.

Taken together, the messages show how the White House reached out early to lawmakers in its effort to keep former President Trump in office.

It also shows consistent efforts by many members to strategize how to keep Trump in office after losing the election.

Those efforts ranged from selecting alternate slates of voters from swing states before an Electoral College vote to directing the crowd to the Capitol after the Jan. 6 rallies to discuss the possibility of Trump declaring martial law days before he is appointed to leave office.

Testimony from Cassidy Hutchinson, a former special assistant to the President and Meadows, indicates that Meadows, the former head of the Freedom Caucus, was the one who “communicated” with members of the Conservative Caucus, including then-elected Representatives. Marjorie Taylor Green (R-Ge), Lauren Boibert (R-Colorado), Representatives Scott Perry (R-Pen) and Jim Jordan (R-Ohio).

Hutchinson identified these four as being involved in the early stages of efforts to liquidate the election.

Text messages to Meadows as early as three days into Election Day 2020 show that lawmakers are rallying around the idea of ​​alternate voters.

“I’m sure you’ve heard of that suggestion,” Rep. Andy Biggs (R-Arizona) texted Meadows on November 6. “Is anyone on the team looking and considering putting pressure on it?”

As early as the first week or two of December, the White House counsel himself was resisting this idea.

“Hey, that’s not legally sound, we’ve internalized this, it’s OK to think this but we wouldn’t have this in an official position in the White House on behalf of the president, we’re putting an end to this,” Hutchinson described the White House Counsel’s office by saying.

At least that message has been conveyed to Perry, Jordan, and Representatives Matt Gates (R-F) and Louie Gehmert (R-Texas), according to Hutchinson.

By December 21, a larger group was meeting at the White House with Trump campaign lawyer Rudy Giuliani, as the focus shifted to the ways in which former Vice President Mike Pence could breach his ceremonial duty to certify the election results.

The group that attended this meeting included Jordan, Brooks, Bigs, Gates, Greene, Gomert, Perry, and the cast. Hutchinson said.

“They felt he had the power — pardon me if my wording was incorrect, but — to send the votes back to the states or the electors back to the United States, similar to the Eastman theory,” Hutchinson said. , referring to John Eastman, who penned two Trump campaign memos outlining how to challenge the election.

“I don’t remember anyone speaking out and emphasizing their disagreement with that theory,” she said of the lawmakers, adding that “the vice president’s team seemed a bit skeptical.”

Later that day, Brooks suggested to Meadows trying to frame the meeting as positive and productive after being contacted by reporters.

“The media are contacting my office about the White House meeting this afternoon about formulating our strategies on January 6,” Brooks wrote to Meadows. “Does the White House want me to respond or be my mom? It’s one thing to discuss our meeting beforehand (in general terms). It’s another to discuss afterwards.”

“If you think the discussion is positive, I suggest the message should be: 1. Progress is being made. 2. More are joining our fight. 3. We cannot allow election fraud and theft to occur if we are to become a Republic. Your choice. Let me know,” he concluded.

About a week after the meeting, Greene complained to the Meadows that they didn’t get enough time to chat with Giuliani about strategy.

“We have to organize for Day 6. I would like to meet Rudy Giuliani again. We didn’t talk to him long. Also anyone who can help. We are getting a lot of members on board. And we need to determine the best case for each state,” she texted to Meadows on New Years Eve.

While lawmakers were coordinating with the legal team through the White House, Perry got involved in Trump’s lobbying campaign at the Department of Justice (DOJ), sending Meadows text messages on December 26 and December 28 encouraging him to reach out to Jeffrey Clark. Later, Trump was considering appointing Clark, a mid-level Justice Department official who worked primarily on environmental issues, as acting attorney general in order to redirect investigations into his unfounded allegations of election fraud.

But new testimony released by the commission shows Justice Department employees pushed back as Clark attempted to obtain a direct warrant to Pence encouraging him not to certify the January 6 election results.

“Mr. Clark proposed that the OLC provide a legal opinion to the Vice President regarding his authority when it comes to opening a vote as Senate President on Jan. 6,” Stephen Engel, who served as associate attorney general for the Office of Legal Affairs, a Trump-era Justice Department attorney, told the committee.

“And I dropped that idea, but I said–I said, ‘This is a ridiculous idea.’–You know, the Vice President holds the position of Speaker of the Senate. It is not the Department of Justice’s role to provide legislative officials with legal advice on the scope of their duties. And–you know–not to mention that it was 3 days from the date. The OLC doesn’t tend to provide legal opinions, you know, in those cases, you know, in that short time frame,” he added.

As January 6 approached, lawmakers were again coordinating with the White House about preparations for the day, including a discussion of whether crowds should be actively encouraged to march to the Capitol.

“I remember Mr. Perry saying that he started tweeting that night, Congressman Perry, and that he was going to start tweeting that night, and he was a key participant in the call,” Hutchinson said.

“I don’t think there was a participant on the call that necessarily blocked the idea,” she added. “I don’t remember every participant on the call that night, but I do remember it was the Freedom Caucus call.”

Gaetz will also go on to announce on January 5 during an appearance on Fox News that there could be “tens of thousands of people likely to walk the streets in Washington, D.C. tomorrow.”

The same two bookmarks show that several Republican lawmakers were texting Meadows as chaos unfolded in the Capitol, with some pleading to the chief of staff to get Trump to take action.

Other earlier reports showed that some Republicans who participated in the beginning eventually Retreat from the efforts of the White House amidst their doubts.

Yet another text from Greene just days before President Biden’s inauguration shows Greene – and other members clearly – they hoped Trump would continue to try to resist any effort to swear in a new president and provide lawmakers with tools to go after the new president.

“In our private, member-only conversation, many say the only way to save our republic is for Trump to demand the Marshall Law. I don’t know about these things. I just wanted to tell him,” she texted Meadows Jan. 17.

They stole this election. We all know. Then they will destroy our country. Please tell him to declassify as much as possible so we can go after Biden and everyone else! She added.

[ad_2]